Category Archives: Health

News Article: “The War on the Poor: Donald Trump’s win opens the door to Paul Ryan’s vision for America”

News Article: Dylan Matthews, “The War on the Poor: Donald Trump’s win opens the door to Paul Ryan’s vision for America,” Vox, Nov. 22, 2016.

Jotwell Review of The Poverty Industry

Ezra Rosser, Robbing the Poor, JOTWELL (Nov. 23, 2016) (reviewing Daniel L. Hatcher, The Poverty Industry: The Exploitation of America’s Most Vulnerable Citizens (2016))

News Article: “A Toilet, but No Proper Plumbing: A Reality in 500,000 U.S. Homes”

News Article: Sabrina Travernise, “A Toilet, but No Proper Plumbing: A Reality in 500,000 U.S. Homes,” New York Times, Sept. 26, 2016.

News Article: “Hillary Clinton and the Populist Revolt”

News Article: George Packer, “Hillary Clinton and the Populist Revolt,” The New Yorker, Oct. 31, 2016.

Article: “Big Data Neglects Populations Most in Need of Medical and Public Health Research and Interventions”

Article: Sarah E. Malanga, et. al., “Big Data Neglects Populations Most in Need of Medical and Public Health Research and Interventions,” in Big Data, Bioethics, and Health Law (forthcoming).

Big data should be extremely useful to medical and public health professionals attempting to engage in research, intervention, and precision medicine. The use of big data in these areas, however, has the potential to ignore a large portion of the population, because the sources of much of the data – social media, wearables, electronic health records, and insurance claims – are not utilized by that subset. These omitted populations, such as minorities and low-income individuals, are at a greater risk for health disparities and are the very populations that could most benefit from research and intervention. This paper argues that the scope of big data and the subsequent health uses of the information gathered needs to be broadened to increase the diversity of the data, especially by including those most vulnerable to diminished health outcomes. Building on existing government measures such as the Lifeline program to provide internet access to the underprivileged and NHS guidelines for the inclusion of minorities in research, we propose monetary, programmatic, and regulatory recommendations as means of addressing, and ultimately remedying, this problem.

 

New Article: “Separate and Unequal: The Dimensions and Consequences of Safety Net Decentralization in the U.S. 1994-2014”

New Article: Sarah K. Bruch, Marcia K. Meyers, Janet C. Gornick, “Separate and Unequal: The Dimensions and Consequences of Safety Net Decentralization in the U.S. 1994-2014,” Institute for Research on Poverty (Aug. 2016).

In this paper, we examine the dimensions and consequences of decentralized social safety net policies. We consider the adequacy of benefits and inclusiveness of receipt for eleven federal-state programs that constitute the core of safety net provision for working age adults and families: cash assistance, food assistance, health insurance, child support, child care, preschool/early education, unemployment insurance, state income taxes, cash assistance work assistance, disability assistance, and housing assistance. In the first part of the paper we examine the extent of cross-state inequality in social provision. We find substantial variation across states; variation that is consistent with policy design differences in state discretion; and at levels equal to or greater than variation across the European countries that have been recognized as having different welfare regimes. In the second section, we turn to an analysis of change over time (1994 to 2014) examining four dimensions of convergence: degree, location of change, direction of change, and scope. We find both decreases (retrenchment) and increases (expansions) of provision, a handful of cases of convergence (decreasing inequality) and divergence (increasing inequality), and a great deal of synchronous change and persistence in the magnitude of cross state inequalities.

News Article: “The Failure to Talk Frankly About Poverty”

News Article: New York Times Editorial Board, “The Failure to Talk Frankly About Poverty,” New York Times, Sept. 13, 2016.

New Report: “Income, Poverty and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2015” – Census Bureau

New Report: U.S. Census Bureau, Income, Poverty and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2015 (Sept. 13, 2016).  News coverage from the L.A. Times here.

New Article: “Reconciling the Premium Tax Credit: Painful Complications for Lower and Middle-Income Taxpayers”

New Article: Francine J. Lipman & James E. Williamson, Reconciling the Premium Tax Credit: Painful Complications for Lower and Middle-Income Taxpayers, 69 SMU L. Rev. __ (forthcoming 2016).  Abstract below:

The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) makes available to certain middle and lower-income individuals a refundable tax credit, the Premium Tax Credit (PTC), designed to help them pay the premiums on their qualified health care plans. To achieve Congress’s goal of making health insurance affordable, the PTC is most often provided directly to an individual’s insurance provider each month in advance of actually claiming the PTC on the individual’s year-end annual tax return. Of the almost twelve million individuals who have enrolled in health insurance through the federal and state health exchanges in 2015, 85% of these individuals receive the advanced PTC (APTC). In the federal health exchange, the APTC averaged $268, covering 72% of the $374 average monthly premium, resulting in $105 net monthly payments per individual or $1,260 annually.

The amount of the APTC is based upon an estimate of an individual’s household income to be earned for that tax year in which she is entitled to claim the credit. However, the allowable PTC that any individual may receive is based upon the individual’s actual “household income” for that tax year. An individual’s household income is in turn dependent upon her “modified adjusted gross income” from the tax return upon which she is claiming the credit. Therefore, the amount of the PTC an individual is entitled to for any given year cannot be determined until the individual has completed her federal income tax return for that year. For example, the amount of an individual’s PTC for 2014, the first year the credit was available, is determined by the income as shown on an individual’s 2014 federal income tax return, which is not prepared until early 2015.

In most cases, the estimated APTC used to subsidize health insurance premiums during the tax year will differ from the actual PTC as finally determined when the individual files her annual income tax return. Through the end of October 2015, taxpayers filed 143 million 2014 income tax returns, including 3.5 million 2014 income tax returns of the 4.8 million expected tax returns with 2014 PTC. These tax returns reported $11.3 billion of the $15.5 billion 2014 APTC. If the actual PTC is less than the APTC, taxpayers will have to pay the difference when they file their tax return, which would increase the amount of tax owed or decrease the amount to be refunded. Approximately 51% of the 2014 returns, or 1.8 million returns filed, reported APTC in excess of the actual PTC by an average of $860 for the year. About 61% of these taxpayers still reported a refund. If the actual PTC is greater than the APTC, the difference will be refunded or applied against other taxes that the taxpayer might owe. Approximately, 40% of the 2014 returns filed, or 1.3 million returns, reported PTC in excess of any APTC by an average amount of $600.

While the PTC is a fully refundable tax credit and can be paid directly to insurance providers in advance, it can also be applied like more traditional income tax credits. Most tax credits are claimed on an individual’s year-end income tax return, serving as a reimbursement of expenses paid by the taxpayer months, or even more than a year, before the credit is received. Similarly, qualifying individuals have the option of paying their monthly health insurance premiums in full without any subsidy and waiting until they file their federal income tax return to claim any PTC. This approach is consistent with most other refundable and nonrefundable federal income tax credits including the child tax credit, dependent-care credit, adoption expense credit, lifetime learning credit, HOPE scholarship and American Opportunity tax credits, and earned income tax credit. If the taxpayer owes no other taxes, the government will refund the PTC in full. If the taxpayer owes other taxes, the PTC will offset any tax liability due, and the taxpayer will receive a refund of any balance in excess of the tax liability.

This Article will explain the details of the PTC focusing on the unusual and complicated reconciliation process for individuals receiving the APTC. Given the recent implementation of the PTC and the first reconciliation experience for taxpayers in 2015, there is a dearth of scholarship on this topic. Despite the enactment of the ACA in 2010, academics have neither presented nor analyzed the detailed complexity of this unusual prepaid refundable tax credit for middle and lower-income taxpayers. This Article will fill this void by describing the many details of PTC using a variety of examples to expose the significant complexities inherent in this critical health care subsidy. This deconstruction of the PTC and its requisite reconciliation will serve as a platform for subsequent scholarship that will serve to enhance the PTC to better achieve Congress’s goal of providing access to affordable health care for all Americans.

New Article: “Health Care and the Myth of Self-Reliance”

New Article: Nichole Huberfeld & Jessica L. Roberts, Health Care and the Myth of Self-Reliance, 57 B.C. L. Rev. 1 (2016).  Abstract below:

King v. Burwell asked the Supreme Court to decide if, in providing assistance to purchase insurance “through an Exchange established by the State,” Congress meant to subsidize policies bought on the federally run exchange. With its ruling, the Court saved the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act’s (“ACA”) low-income subsidy. But King is only part of a longer, more complex story about health care access for the poor. In a move toward universal coverage, two pillars of the ACA facilitate health insurance coverage for low-income Americans, one private and one public: (1) the subsidy and (2) Medicaid expansion. Although both have been subject to high-profile Supreme Court cases, the Court upheld one but gutted the other. This Article hypothesizes that the preference for private “hidden” government assistance over public “visible” government assistance stems from the American myth of self-reliance. Yet this analysis reveals that the line between hidden and visible benefits breaks down on both theoretical and empirical levels. Drawing from vulnerability theory and demographic data, this Article demonstrates that all Americans lead subsidized lives and could move from the private to the public system. It concludes that a single government program for the poor would be more economically and administratively efficient.